Caste Census and the Struggle for Social Justice

How Political Compulsions Are Shaping the Debate on Caste and Equality in India

IN THE RUN-UP to the 2024 elections, Rahul Gandhi in particular emphasized the need for a caste census. This demand was supported by many opposition leaders. Congress-ruled states, along with NDA-ruled Bihar, also carried out caste censuses. The issue of a caste census became one of the major platforms contributing to the opposition’s modest revival from political obscurity during that election.

Modi opposed the caste census vehemently, claiming it was part of “Urban Naxal” thinking. The RSS, his ideological parent organization, argued that it was a ploy to divide Hindu society. Against this backdrop, on April 30, 2025, the Modi Cabinet surprisingly decided to include caste as a component of the forthcoming census. The national census, originally scheduled for 2021, has already been significantly delayed. Many are speculating about why the BJP has chosen this moment to proceed with it.

One prevailing view is that the decision is motivated by upcoming elections, particularly in Bihar. Notably, there has been no official timeline announced for conducting the caste census or for translating its findings into policy. The most likely explanation remains electoral compulsions—both in Bihar and in other future elections.

Rahul Gandhi, in particular, had made caste census and the removal of the 50% cap on reservations key planks of his campaign. These proposals resonated with substantial sections of the electorate, prompting the RSS-BJP—despite their ideological opposition—to possibly consider similar steps under the banner of social justice.

It can be unequivocally said that the founding of the RSS was, in large part, a reaction against the growing Dalit movement for social justice, especially after the efforts of Jotirao Phule and later B.R. Ambedkar—two pioneering figures in the last two centuries. As Dalit consciousness grew, upper castes began feeling threatened and responded with the idea of a unified Hindu nation. Unsurprisingly, the Manusmriti served as a core guiding principle for their social values.

M.S. Golwalkar, the second Sarsanghchalak of the RSS, praised the laws of Manu, calling them ancient and worthy of emulation in modern times. In contrast, Gandhi—especially after 1932—began his tireless efforts to dismantle the caste system, travelling from village to village to ensure Dalits could access public spaces, temples, and water sources. The RSS, however, remained aloof from these efforts and continued to train its swayamsevaks and pracharaks in caste and gender hierarchies.

Savarkar, who is highly regarded by the RSS, did make some attempts to address caste inequality, but his efforts were superficial and eventually overshadowed by his pro-British political stance. While opposing the Indian Constitution, he declared that the Manusmriti should be the law of the land. Similarly, the RSS mouthpiece Organizer criticized the Constitution for lacking Indian values, as it ignored what they saw as the wisdom of their holy text, Manusmriti.

The RSS initially drew its support mainly from upper-caste Brahmins and Banias. Other upper castes, who adhered to caste and gender hierarchies, also rallied behind it.

Over time, as electoral realities became evident, the Hindutva forces consciously worked to co-opt Dalits, Adivasis, and OBCs into their fold. They created the Samajik Samrasta Manch (Social Harmony Forum) to reach out to Dalits and bring them into the Hindu nationalist fold.

They began praising various jatis (castes) as key contributors to Hindu society, publishing books on the historical “greatness” of different castes. Volumes like Hindu Charmakar Jati, Hindu Valmiki Jati, and Hindu Khatik Jati were launched by RSS chief Mohan Bhagwat, who proclaimed that all castes were equal.

They also identified caste icons and presented them as Hindu heroes with anti-Muslim narratives. Raja Suheldev is a key example, where this Pasi community leader was projected to appeal to Dalits. Public acts like eating with Dalits were used to promote Sanskritization, gradually winning over sections of Dalits as foot soldiers for their cause.

Other strategies included portraying the BJP as the only party not appeasing Muslims, who were painted as enemies of Hindu society. Dalits were encouraged to join RSS shakhas, and some were given key positions. A section of Dalit leaders, such as Ram Vilas Paswan and Ramdas Athawale, were won over with power and resources. Chirag Paswan even declared himself to be “Hanuman for Modi.”

The real test of RSS-BJP’s stance on social justice came with the implementation of the Mandal Commission. The upper castes responded with intense hostility—one protester even resorted to self-immolation.

RSS-BJP, realizing that openly opposing it would hurt them electorally, chose not to do so. Instead, they responded with a larger, symbolic counter: Kamandal. The Babri demolition campaign was intensified, polarizing upper-caste Hindus and propelling the BJP toward electoral power through sectarian support.

Today, it will be interesting to see how they manage the caste census without alienating upper castes. These groups are dismayed that the party they’ve long supported is now entertaining the idea of a caste census.

The RSS, deeply entrenched in the Indian social and political system, has already signaled that OBC data should not be used for political purposes. It is adept at crafting language that halts the progress of social justice while appearing to support it on the surface.

It is now imperative that all political parties with a genuine commitment to the Indian Constitution unite in support of social justice. The caste census must be implemented honestly and its findings used to build a more just and humane society.

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