Trump’s West Asia Tour: Arabs In, Israel Out

On a high-stakes trip through Saudi Arabia, Qatar, and the UAE, Trump courts billion-dollar deals while sidelining Israel and traditional diplomacy.

LAST WEEK, U.S. President Donald Trump arrived in Riyadh, the capital of Saudi Arabia, marking the first leg of his West Asian tour. He also visited Qatar and the UAE during the trip—noticeably skipping Israel. During the visit, he also met with Syria’s President, a former Al Qaeda leader, Ahmad al-Sharaa. Overall, the visit was less about foreign policy and bilateral relations and more an exercise in boosting the Trump family’s financial fortunes.

Believe it or not, Trump has once again pulled one of his trademark maverick moves—what his critics are calling blatant corruption in full public view. This time, it relates to his West Asian tour, during which he visited Saudi Arabia, Qatar, and the UAE—extraordinarily wealthy nations that make ideal business partners for Trump.

Each country seemed eager to outshine the others in currying favor with him. Saudi Arabia pledged a staggering $1 trillion in U.S. investments, having already signed deals worth $600 billion with Trump. Not to be outdone, Qatar gifted Trump a $400 million jet—a controversial move that, despite widespread criticism, appears set to be accepted.

All three countries possess vast reserves of oil and gas. More importantly, they are working actively to harness these resources for long-term economic diversification. Like Trump, they see war as detrimental to economic development and are shifting focus accordingly.

Their foreign policies are based on tactical and strategic interests rather than ideological convictions. Whether these interests align with the United States, China, or Russia matters little to them. Qatar, in particular, has also become a key player in global and regional crisis mediation.

Trump, for his part, has never shied away from dealing with authoritarian leaders—in fact, he seems quite comfortable among them. In the past, he met with figures whom previous U.S. presidents had treated as pariahs. This time, he met with Ahmad al-Sharaa, Syria’s new ruler.

In contrast, Democrats have generally been less willing to overlook human rights abuses in favor of realpolitik. Their emphasis on democracy and human rights has, to an extent, reduced the strategic value of the Gulf monarchies in their eyes.

Still, both Trump and the Democrats have used the Gulf states’ disinterest in democracy and human rights as leverage. Trump, in particular, does so quite explicitly. Just a month ago, he stated publicly that his visit to Saudi Arabia would be contingent upon the kingdom committing $1 trillion in U.S. investments—a demand the Saudis accepted, paving the way for his high-profile visit.

Trump has repeatedly stated that only countries profitable to the United States can remain its allies. Saudi Arabia, Qatar, and the UAE clearly fall into this category.

Interestingly, Israeli security did not feature prominently on Trump’s agenda this time. Moreover, his delegation lacked prominent pro-Israel lobbyists. Instead, it included high-profile billionaires and business magnates focused on expanding commercial ties with Arab nations and attracting hundreds of billions of dollars in Arab investment into the United States.

Everywhere Trump looks in the region, he sees opportunities—for deals, investments, and perhaps even that Nobel Peace Prize he covets.

This economic focus may downplay Israel’s security concerns. Israel views its safety as rooted in the collapse of the Islamic Republic of Iran and the dismantling of the so-called “Axis of Resistance.” Trump’s preference for investment-driven diplomacy does not align with Israel’s more militarized priorities.

While Trump’s first term included numerous actions that pleased Netanyahu and the Israeli right wing, this time, his approach has surprised and displeased the Israeli leadership.

Had Trump chosen to visit Israel first and emphasized unwavering support for its war on Hamas, it could have provoked disapproval in Riyadh and other Arab capitals, potentially undermining the warm reception he received and jeopardizing economic cooperation.

Trump may also be using this shift in focus as strategic pressure. By signalling to Tel Aviv that its privileged position is no longer guaranteed, he could be nudging Israeli leaders toward a ceasefire in Gaza—allowing Trump to claim any cessation of hostilities as a result of his regional diplomacy.

Yemen is another area where U.S. and Israeli interests appear to diverge. Last week, Trump announced—again, without informing Israel—that the U.S. had reached a separate ceasefire agreement with the Houthis in Yemen, brokered by his Middle East envoy, Zach Witkoff, through Omani mediation.

Trump, the businessman-turned-president, seems to believe that a Syria open to global investment and economic growth is preferable to one subjected to ongoing Israeli domination. Netanyahu is unlikely to be pleased by this stance. Nor will he welcome Trump’s recent attacks on neo-conservatives, nation-builders, and interventionists—ideologies Netanyahu has long aligned with to reshape the Middle East using American power.

Democratic Senator Chris Murphy of Connecticut described Trump’s Middle East tour as a “public corruption tour.” In the Senate, Murphy detailed Trump’s financial windfalls: Qatar gifted a $400 million luxury plane personally to Trump—not to the U.S. government. The Trump Organization also signed a $5.5 billion real estate deal with Qatar’s sovereign fund through Dar Global, a Trump-affiliated company.

For Saudi Arabia, the numbers are even bigger. During Trump’s first term, his son-in-law Jared Kushner created a $200 billion private equity fund, financed by the Saudi Sovereign Fund—despite objections from the fund’s board, which were overruled by the Saudi Crown Prince.

Within three weeks of his second term, Trump met with the head of the Saudi Sovereign Fund—not to discuss state matters but to negotiate a deal between the PGA and the Saudi-backed LIV Golf Tour, aimed at bringing the PGA tournament to Trump-owned golf courses.

The Trump Organization is also partnering with a Saudi firm on a $1 billion Trump-branded hotel and tower in Dubai. Anyone investing in the project is eligible for a ten-year U.S. Golden Visa.

For the UAE, the prize is estimated at over $2 billion. Just last week, Eric Trump and Zach Witkoff of World Liberty Financial announced in Dubai that MGX—a firm backed by the Emirati government—will invest $2 billion in a company run by the U.S. President’s son and the son of his Middle East envoy. As a result, the firm’s StableCoin has become the fifth most stable digital currency in the world, thanks to Emirati backing.

Everywhere Trump looks in the region, he sees opportunities—for deals, investments, and perhaps even that Nobel Peace Prize he covets. And given his track record of campaign surprises, he just might succeed again.

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